On December 22, New Zealand and Belgium became the 25^th and 26^th nations to ratify the Convention on Cluster Munitions (CCM). The convention needs only four more ratifications to achieve the 30-state minimum to enter into force. Once in force, it will enact a ban on the use, stockpiling, production, and transfer of most cluster munitions, which include bombs, missiles, or rockets that open midair to scatter tens to thousands of small submunitions over a wide area. The CCM also requires that states destroy their stockpiles in eight years, clear contaminated land within ten years, and provide victim assistance.

This convention is necessary due to the wide, indiscriminate, and persistent effects of cluster munitions on civilians and communities. Ninety-eight percent of all recorded casualties of cluster munitions are civilians. In several countries, children account for roughly 60% percent of the victims. In 2007 alone, 5,426 casualties were reported due to cluster munitions. Conservative estimates suggest that unexploded submunitions have caused at least 55,000 casualties, though the number may be well over 100,000.

Victims of cluster munitions require medical, mental health, rehabilitation, and vocational services. They sustain burns and blast and shrapnel injuries, often to multiple limbs as well as their chest, abdomen, and face. Victims should also receive rehabilitation services, including mental health care, physical therapy, and prostheses if needed. Many of these services are unavailable or scarce in conflict zones, and the added burden of these patients can overwhelm an already strained health system, especially in post-conflict settings.

Victims of cluster munitions also need assistance with integration back into society. In many affected areas, people living with disabilities face stigmatization, marginalization, and a lack of economic opportunity. Efforts to promote the rights of the disabled — such as those spearheaded by Handicap International — are essential to any long-term approach to addressing the effects of cluster munitions.

Though cluster munitions are often compared to landmines in that they both litter areas after a conflict is over and pose a threat to the health and human rights of individuals and communities, there are notable differences in their effects. Cluster munitions are more likely than landmines to cause multiple injuries per incident, and they are more likely to kill or injure children under the age of 14 due to their small size and bright coloration.

Unexploded cluster submunitions slow humanitarian, recovery, and resettlement efforts after overt hostilities have ended. Humanitarian and relief workers may be unable to enter an area due to cluster munition contamination. In Kosovo, Laos, Vietnam, Afghanistan, and Lebanon, casualties peaked as populations returned home after the conflict ended. Returning populations are injured while attempting to access their houses, farms, pasture land, water supplies, and health facilities. In Afghanistan, many people have been injured by explosive remnants of war (of which cluster munitions are one form) in the past decade, and these deadly devices have deterred people from accessing health services and from sending their children to school.

The short- and long-term effects of armed conflict and political violence continue to undermine the health and human rights of populations around the world. An international ban on cluster munitions will be an important step toward protecting and promoting health and human rights and toward allowing those whose lives are ravaged by wars to farm their fields and walk the streets of their communities without fear.

See the full story here: http://allafrica.com/stories/200911120948.html

For the women of eastern Congo, a U.S.-backed Congolese military operation meant to save them from abusive rebels has turned into a nightmare of its own.

An already staggering epidemic of rape has become markedly worse since the January deployment of tens of thousands of poorly trained, poorly paid Congolese soldiers, with people in front-line villages such as this one saying the soldiers are not so much hunting rebels as hunting women.

And so as the sun dropped behind the soaring jungle here one recent day, little girls, mothers and grandmothers began heading home, some closing curtains and padlocking wooden doors. It was time, they explained, to lock themselves indoors.

“To avoid getting raped, after 6 p.m., women are not allowed to go out of the house,” said Maria Bitondo, who said she was among three women attacked by a soldier last month. “With the soldiers here, no woman is safe to go out and walk. We do not even go to the bathroom at night.”

On Monday, a coalition of 88 aid groups called the operation, which is supported by the United Nations, “a human tragedy” and urged Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, who is to visit eastern Congo on Tuesday, to push for better civilian protection. Clinton has vowed to make the prevention of sexual violence a priority in Congo, where the United States pays about a quarter of the cost of U.N. peacekeeping efforts.

“We have to speak out against the impunity of those in positions of authority who either commit these crimes or condone them,” Clinton said at a town hall meeting in the capital of Kinshasa on Monday. She added, “There are even some cases of these terrible crimes committed by members of the Congolese military.”

The entire article is an interesting, yet devastating read. Though there is a policy of “zero tolerance” for sexual violence, the actual list of offenders taken to court is abysmally low.

One constant question while reading this article is, why do men rape women? An excerpt from the article is quite telling:

He and other soldiers interviewed expressed a deep frustration at their pay, which is usually late and only $50 a month; their rations, which were recently a single can of sardines for three soldiers for 15 days; and especially their long deployments, which often keep them away from their families for years.

“The truth is like this,” said one officer, sitting under a shed and sipping a powerful local brew. “What is making soldiers to do these bad things is their treatment by the army. Imagine, one can of sardines?! And you send a soldier away for 10 years?! So, I’m hungry, I’m in need of a wife and I have no money” to pay for a prostitute, he said. “If I see a woman walking on the road, and I love her, I will take her. I will help myself.”

The lieutenant, who did not give his name, is in charge of teaching his soldiers about human rights. “Now,” he said, “buy me a beer so I don’t have to rob you.”